Dull Teaching/Exciting Teaching , Silly
Textbook/Spectacular Textbook, Terrific Students/Terrible
Students
John Fanselow
Teachers College, Columbia University, Japan |
Hidden Power of Judgments
Most of us would probably prefer to hear the words "exciting,"
"spectacular," and "terrific" rather than "dull,"
"silly," and "terrible," during a post-observation conference
with a person who had visited our classes. However, these words with a positive
connotation carry with them the same potential danger as the words "dull,"
"silly," and "terrible," which to most have a negative
connotation. The fact that positive judgments such as "exciting,"
"spectacular," and terrific" might at first sound more palatable
than negative judgments like "dull," "silly," and "terrible,"
tend to mask the potential danger of any judgments we make, whether intended
to be positive and encouraging or negative and discouraging.
Judgments, whether positive or negative, tend to be one-dimensional,
black and white, absolute: they therefore limit the range of activities
that we are willing to try in our classes. Thinking our present teaching
is "exciting," or our students are "terrific," or our
textbook is "spectacular," is as likely to keep us from changing
anything we do as any Ministry of Education guideline, university examination,
or other external pressure established to control our teaching.
The idea that the words we use to discuss our teaching might limit the
range of activities that we are willing to try in our classes might seem
astonishing to some. But why would comments about our teaching be less related
to our actions than comments about any other aspect of our lives? Those
who advocate conserving electricity or gasoline use in their cars try in
their conversations to translate their words into action. Those who criticize
the use of tax dollars to pay for food for those who do not work try to
translate their words into laws that in fact prevent their tax dollars from
being used for purposes they do not support. In short, the words we use
to discuss what we do can affect the actions we and others take.
Hidden Meanings in Conversations
The fact that judgments we use to discuss our teaching and textbooks
can limit the range of our teaching activities is only one way that judgments,
whether positive or negative, can have a limiting effect on our teaching.
Another limitation is that the support of our judgments tends to turn into
power play between those who are trying to either support or attack judgments
that are made. If a visitor tells me that my students are heavenly, and
I question the judgment, indicating that I think that some of them are monsters,
both of us will bring out specific incidents that we observed that support
our individual, disparate judgments. Said another way, a hidden purpose
of most conversations, whether about our teaching or about how we squeeze
the toothpaste tube, is about the relationships between the participants.
Who is in charge? Who knows more?
At faculty meetings, in post-observation conversations, and even in casual
conversations, there is usually some underlying power play between the participants.
On one level, a grandmother's comments to her daughter about her granddaughter's
behavior might appear to be mainly out of concern. On another level, the
conversation is about who is in control, who is in charge, and who is right--who
knows more about the right way to raise children. All conversations are
both about the topic of the conversation--the lesson, the textbook, the
students, the raising of children, the way to squeeze toothpaste from a
tube--and about the power plays between the participants in the conversations.
The issue of what the participants are doing to each other is as central
as the topic that the participants are discussing.
To many, the idea that an analysis of what people are doing to each other
in conversation is as important, or even more important than the topic of
the conversation, might seem outrageous. However, there is a long tradition
of conversational analysis outside of post-observation conferences and the
critiquing of textbooks to support this. As Gadamer (1997) claimed, when
we speak, we do not lead the conversation; it leads us.
Activities
One common way to consider post-observation conversations about lessons
we observe is to determine whether we want to be collaborative, passive,
or adversarial (Gebhard, l984; Waite, l993). But these three psychological
stances are based on an assumption that we are aware of what we are doing
when we discuss lessons we have observed. And further, they are based on
the idea that we are in control of what we say during our post-observation
conversations. The fact that we are often startled when we first hear tape
recordings of conversations we have had, reminds us that our conversations
are not as controlled as we might like to think, "Did I really say
that?" is a frequent question heard as people listen to recordings
of their conversations for the first time. The field of discourse analysis
has revealed a number of discourse patterns in conversations that further
supports the idea that when we speak we are not always in control of what
we say any more than we are in control of how we speak. Some patterns of
discourse in our conversations about our teaching are just as automatic
and said out of consciousness as are patterns of grammar, such as singular
and plural agreement.
In an attempt to move beyond the rules of discourse that control how
we usually discuss our teaching and our textbooks, Fanselow (l987, l988,
1992) and others (Edge & Richards, 1993; Wallace, l996), have developed
various activities. A common key initial activity is to tape record and
then transcribe our conversations about our lessons. Subsequent activities
include generating antonyms for all the initial judgments discovered in
the transcribed conversations. For example, if the statement, "The
class was heavenly," was transcribed, it is changed to "The class
was hellish."
A short excerpt of a videotape or audiotape of a "heavenly"
class is then observed to discover some behaviors or activities that we
think are heavenly, as well as hellish. Other judgments made in the initial
post-observation conference are then extracted and dealt with in the same
way. As participants find examples to support both their initial judgments
and judgments that are the exact opposite of their initial judgments, new
features of student and teacher exchanges are usually discovered. As we
look at what is happening, the limitations of our one-dimensional, black
and white, absolute statements become more and more apparent. When we see
that some students in the "heavenly" class were writing notes
that were unrelated to the topic, that some of the students who seemed most
"heavenly" were in fact not doing anything, we realize that our
initial judgments have simplified the events and blinded us to much of what
was going on.
Of course, realizing that our judgments are not accurate--that our diagnoses
were limited, if not incorrect, does not lead to change, even though such
a realization might make us more aware of how our initial judgments have
masked much of what we do. Each new diagnosis needs to be followed with
a plan of action. Thus, a critical step in our analysis is a plan to use
activities with the same class in a subsequent lesson that are in some way
different.
Comparisons of activities done in the initial class and then changed
and done in a subsequent class show how our initial judgments tend to limit
the range and variety of our activities. And by generating opposite activities,
the control that our usual judgments have on our teaching is eased. With
no need for either participant to prove the judgment that was made but rather
the need for each to see exceptions to the initial judgment, each is freed
to suggest totally different activities. By searching for antonyms and generating
activities based on the concept of opposites, we decrease the usual power
play that is so much a part of many post-observation conferences, in which
each participant tries to prove the initial judgment that has been made.
Post-observation conferences tend to be filled with judgments and tension
provoking activities in which neither the teacher nor the observer, whether
supervisor or friend, are having much fun! One key purpose of the post-observation
conference is to play with the language we use to judge our teaching and
textbooks as well as to feel free to play with the activities in which we
engage our students.
References
Arcario, P. J. (1994). Post-observation conferences
in TESOL teacher education programs. (Ed.D. dissertation, Teachers
College, Columbia University). Dissertation Abstracts International, 55-11,
3477.
Edge, J., & Richards, K. (Eds.). (l993). Teachers
develop teacher research. Oxford: Heinemann.
Fanselow, J. F. (l987). Breaking rules: Generating and
exploring alternatives in language teaching. White Plains, New York:
Longman.
Fanselow, J. F. (1998). "Let's see": Contrasting
conversations about teaching. TESOL Quarterly, 22, 113-130.
Fanselow, J. F. (l992). Contrasting conversations.
White Plains, New York: Longman.
Gadamer, H. G. (l977). Philosophical hermeneutics.
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Gebhard, J. G. (l984). Models of supervision: Choices.
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Waite, D. (l993). Teachers in conference: A qualitative
study of teacher-supervisor face-to-face interactions. American Educational
Research Journal, 30(4), 675-702.
Wallace, M. (l996). Structured reflection: The role of
the professional project in training ESOL teachers. In D. Freeman &
J. C. Richards (Eds.), Teacher learning in language teaching (pp.
281- 294). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Article
copyright © 1998 by the author.
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