Report on a Lecture by Dr. Stephen J.
Gaies:"Philosophical and Historical Foundations of ELT in Japan"
Yoko Sabatini, Yuko Matsumura and Yasuko
Tamura
The Kyoto Center for Japanese Linguistic
Studies, Kyoto Tachibana Women's College and Baika Junior College |
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Editor's note: The following is a report based on a lecture given
in March by Dr. Stephen J. Gaies at Temple University as part of Temple
University's Distinguished Lecture Series.The interpretations, conclusions,and
accuracy of the report are solely the responsibility of the writers, not
Dr. Gaies. TLT encourages submissions of reports of this kind on contemporary
discussions of language teaching.
Stephen Gaies' lecture titled, "Philosophical and Historical Foundations
of English Language Teaching (ELT) in Japan," at Temple University
Japan at both the Tokyo (March 15-16, 1997) and Osaka campuses (March 22-23,
1997) emphasized the importance of looking at ELT in Japan systematically
from the perspective of Japanese educational and philosophical history rather
than from the more usual Western perspective.
The characteristic features which still form the backbone of the present
day Japanese education are the legacy of the earlier age. Most prominent
were the two ideological factors: the reward of the meritocracy and egalitarianism,
which have driven Japanese toward academic achievement through hard work.
Throughout history, the pendulum has swung to ardent fervor for foreign
influences, and then back to an emphasis on native, Japanese models.
Gaies' lecture began his talk by discussing the relevance of studying
the philosophical and historical foundations of ELT in Japan today.
What has been the purpose of education in Japan?
Gaies suggested paying close attention to the fundamental difference
between Western classical humanism in which the primary concern is to cultivate
intellectual skills to foster the next generation's leaders and Japanese
educational philosophy. This philosophy was highly influenced by Neo-Confucianism,
by which the leaders of Japan aimed to develop moral virtue to promote a
static social order. According to Gaies, the ideologies behind FL education
in Japan (Law, 1995) are the key to understanding the obstacles in facilitating
communicative language teaching in Japanese ELT.
Who were the people who changed Japanese education in the Meiji period?
Gaies' activity, "Who am I?" identified four great educators
who devoted themselves to modernize Japanese social and educational systems
during the Meiji period (1868-1912): Jo Niijima, Arinori Mori, Yukichi Fukuzawa
and Inazo Nitobe. He remarked that there were many other great philosophers
and educators in Japan who have not been well introduced to the world although
there is much we can learn from them.
Do you want to improve ELT in Japan?
Gaies brought up four fundamental issues of educational philosophy: desirable
ends/aims of education, the nature of knowledge, the nature of the learner/child,
and the role of the teacher. Particularly the following questions about
the nature of knowledge should be noted: "How can knowledge be differentiated
into categories?" "How can knowledge be dealt with more holistically
without making education unsystematic?"
These fundamental questions were not only for of intellectual value but
also relate to such realistic issues as learners' age to start learning
English and the potential value of bringing content-based instruction into
ELT in Japan. However, he cautioned that there may be some difficulties
in changing ELT in Japan because English has been viewed as an academic
subject by which the students can develop the ability to analyze a foreign
language and build up the skill of reading. Therefore, according to Gaies,
it is extremely useful to learn from history, especially the previous attempts
to reform FL education, so that we can predict the difficulties which we
are going to face when we try to bring about a new approach into an established
educational system. The exemplified cases such as Harold Palmer's (1922-36)
and the English Language Exploratory Committee's (1956-68) (Henrichsen,
1989) failed to change ELT in Japan. Gaies also remarked that any educational
philosophy tends to overlook the importance of teacher training which is
the key to changing the status quo.
The Development of Japanese and FL Education
1 The Aristocratic Age (the 6th to the end of the 12th century).
The Chinese writing system that was brought to Japan from the Asian mainland
"prompted the formation of an educational system in Japan" (Lincicome,
1991, p. 3). This period witnessed the enthusiasm for introducing and embracing
Chinese learning. Of particular note from English teachers' perspective
is Gaies' reference to the centuries-old tradition of yakudoku reading.
Yakudaku developed as the vehicle for assimilating Confucian ideas and technologies
from China, resulting in a "neglect of oral ability in Chinese (Gaies'
handout)."
However, the latter part of the Aristocratic Age saw the decline of Confucian
scholarship, giving way to "the growth of nativist aesthetic refinement
in arts (Gaies' handout)" such as court culture centering on the renowned
female literary works, as the antithesis to Confucian ideas.
2. The Medieval Age (1192-1600)
Education had a practical orientation rather than being the means of
developing aesthetic sensitivity. Buddhist monasteries were the centers
of education, preserving Chinese learning and providing training in basic
literacy for children. Though the bushi, or samurai warriors became
the actual ruling class, there was now clear consciousness at that time
of bushido, or an ethical code for warriors to observe.
3. The Christian Century (1542 or 1549-1639)
The arrival of Christianity was a significant landmark in Japanese history,
bringing the Japanese first into contact with Western culture and Christian
ideas. Jesuit schools, including seminaries, were established to teach Christian
doctrine under the patronage of Christian feudal lords.
4. Tokugawa Education (1600-1867)
Like many Japanologists, Gaies also related the rapid modernization of
the Meiji era education toward educational establishments in place by the
end of the Edo era. The Shogunate government designated Neo-Confucianism,
one of the offshoots of Confucianism, as the orthodox canon or doctrine
of the Shogunate. Neo-Confucianism served well the purposes of the Shogunate:
to legitimize and solidify the Shogun's authority by teaching the natural
law of hierarchy and the importance of maintaining the ruler/ruled relationship.
Quite interestingly, Neo-Confucian teaching provides the theoretical principles
underlying even the present-day perspectives on education: the emphasis
on vertical relationships, repetition and rote learning as a means of achieving
academic mastery, the view of education as a means for moral cultivation,
and the view of the teacher as the exemplary model of a virtuous person.
Contrary to our popular image of the static uniformity of the Edo era,
Gaies also pointed out the diversity of the cultural development of this
age. While hanko, or han (feudal domains)-authorized educational
institutions were reserved for bushi, terakoya, or private temple
schools, conducted education for commoners. Gaies attributes the high literacy
rate (about 40%) of the Japanese of this period to the terakoya education.
While the rulers encouraged education as a means of improving productivity,
they feared that education might cause the lower class to be dissatisfied
with the status quo. Despite their ambivalent attitudes to the education
for the lower class, TERAKOYA flourished, laying the foundation for modern
education.
Although the government imposed a seclusionist policy, Dutch learning
(rangaku) was popular as one of the three major streams of learning,
the other being Chinese learning (Neo-Confucianism) and Japanese learning
(kokugaku). Toward the end of the Tokugawa period, kokugaku, as a
symbol for resurgence of interest in ancient chronicles and history, started
to be viewed as encompassing the other two in its development.
5. The Meiji Period (1868-1912)
The early Meiji period was the time "when education was introduced
for the purpose of modernizing the nation" (Beauchamp, 1991, p. 28).
The Imperial Oath of Five Articles on April 6, 1868 insisted that "Wisdom
and knowledge shall be sought all over the world in order to establish firmly
the foundation for the Empire." According to Gaies, the Meiji period
can be divided into two periods in terms of educational issues: the early
"liberal" Meiji Period (1868-1886) and the later "conservative"
Meiji Period (1886-1912).
The first code of education, the Fundamental Code of Education (Gakusei)
promulgated on September 8, 1872 clearly supported the liberal view. Gaies
states that this is the first of the three most important documents in Japanese
educational history, and it was Japan's first universal compulsory education
law whose primary purpose was "to make a practical education available
to all." (Anderson, 1959, p. 4) However, the ordinance, especially
as it dealt with the education of women, was not formulated until 1899,
and education of women only became prominent in the very late 19th century.
During this period, English was "the most important language for
importing advanced civilization" (Koike & Tanaka, 1995, p. 15).
Accordingly, English was mainly a medium of instruction at higher educations.
"In all early Christian schools, such as Rikkyo, Doshisha, Aoyama,
Meiji, and Tohoku Gakuin, as well as in the early Tokyo Imperial University,
all lectures were given in English. Even Japanese professors lectured in
Western tongues" (Omura, cited in Henrichsen, 1989). The quick introduction
of foreign languages and cultures was successful due to the high literacy
rate at that time. As it was mentioned in the Tokugawa education, the Terakoya
schools played the key role.
The second of the three most important legal documents in Japanese history,
the Imperial Rescript (Kyoiku Chokugo) was promulgated on October 30, 1890
by the Emperor Meiji. It was the beginning period of nationalism and the
document stressed filial piety. This document became the basis for all educational
policymaking which would continue from later Meiji Period to all the way
through World War II (1890-1945). It reflected the values of political and
educational conservatism, Confucianism, Shintoism, nationalism over Western
learning, individualism, and educational liberalism.
6. The 1920s and 30s
One of the notable figures in ELT history during this period that Gaies
mentioned was Harold E. Palmer, who introduced his "oral method"
based on teaching pronunciation to Japan. A lecturer on spoken English at
University College London, Palmer was invited as a linguistic adviser to
the Ministry of Education (Yamamoto, 1978). Unfortunately, his fourteen
years of stay in Japan was not very fruitful. According to Gaies, this was
because "his idea was not in harmony with the Mombusho" [the Ministry
of Education]. As a result, English remained as "an examination subject
to sort students rather than a means of communication" (Henrichsen,
1989, p. 121).
7. The OccupationPeriod (1945-1952)
The three main goals of the Occupation Period were demilitarization,
democratization, and economic reconstruction. The reforms were mainly carried
by U.S. governmental agencies; SCAP (Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers)
and CIE (Civil Information and Educational Service, SCAP). In 1947, "The
Fundamental Law of Education" and "The School Education Law"
passed. The Fundamental Law of Education was "a 180-degree change from
1880 Imperial Rescript" (Beauchamp, 1991, p. 31). According to Gaies,
this law was the third of the three most important legal documents in Japanese
educational history and "this is the educational philosophy which is
still in effect today." It declared that the role of education was
to promote individual growth and the growth of the whole person. The School
Education Law legitimated nine years of compulsory schooling including a
6-3-3 system of elementary, junior, and senior high schools.
With Japan's surrender in 1945, the study of English regained its popularity.
One of the goals during this period, democratization, was thought to be
achieved through the decentralization of the educational system. However,
once the occupation ended and the Japanese regained control, what emerged
was, according to Gaies, "the school system in which the Mombusho even
had a more central authority than it had been in the past."
8. The 1960s, 70s, 80s, and 90s
According to Gaies, the Ad Hoc Committee for Education Reform (Rinkyoushin)
established by Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone on August 21, 1984 was "the
most serious effort to bring about educational reform since the post war
period." The basic concepts included were to promote a lifelong learning
system, to place more emphasis on the importance of individuality, to cope
with internationalization and computerization. The last issue Gaies mentioned
was the issue of English education in elementary schools. It is an issue
in TEFL under discussion in Japan to decide whether English should be taught
at the elementary school level. It is an ongoing project, in which the plan
of the Mombusho is to have at least one model school in each prefecture
by the year 2000.
Conclusion
Gaies' lecture was quite insightful and illuminating in that it was not
limited to a mere recount of the history of Japanese cultural and educational
development, but also reflected his indepth study of how foreign language
education has been conducted and what role foreign language education has
played in the realm of the Japanese societal and cultural development, which
is of great relevance to language teachers in Japan. This lecture made us
realize the importance of knowing about the philosophical and historical
foundation of ELT in Japan, where we work, because as Gaies put it, "Education
itself does not exist in social and political vacuum."
References
Anderson, R.S. (1959). Japan: Three epochs of modern
education. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare, Office of Education.
Beauchamp, E.R. (1991). The development of Japanese education
policy, 1945-1985. In E.R. Beauchamp (Ed.), Windows on Japanese education
(pp. 27-49). New York: Greenwood Press.
Henrichsen, L.E. (1989). Diffusion of innovation in
English language teaching: The ELEC effort in Japan, 1956-1968. New
York: Greenwood Press. (Chapter 4: Antecedents, pp. 101-132).
Koike, I., & Tanaka, H. (1995). English in foreign
language education policy in Japan: Toward the twenty-first century. World
Englishes, 14, 13-25.
Law, G. (1995). Ideologies of English language education
in Japan. JALT Journal, 17, 213-224.
Lincicome, M. (1991). The historical context of Japanese
education to 1945. In E.R. Beauchamp (Ed.), Windows on Japanese education
(pp. 1-25). New York: Greenwood Press.
Yamamoto, N.Y. (1978). The oral method: Harold E. Palmer
and the reformation of the teaching of the English language in Japan. English
Language Teaching Journal, 32, 151-158.
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