Learning from Qatar: Evaluation of methods-in-use
Roger Nunn
Kochi University |
The Oral Communication Guidelines issued by the Ministry of Education, Science,
and Culture (Monbusho) in 1992, have been the subject of considerable debate
since their introduction. That Japanese students need to improve their spoken
English is not disputed. It is rather the means of bringing this improvement
about that is at issue. The assumption underlying the Guidelines is that
a more "communicative" approach should be enacted in Japanese
classrooms. According to Knight (1995, p. 20), however the Guidelines do
not explore the means of achieving the switch to a different style of teaching,
and have had little impact on curriculum planning in schools. Knight has
also some evidence to suggest that teachers see the selection of more communicative
textbooks as the main issue. The net result seems to be that, while course
books might be replaced, the difficulties of actually managing a shift towards
a communicative method in classrooms have not been seriously considered.
Th following paper will discuss the appropriateness of such a move by comparing
it to a similar change attempted in the Middleeast in the 1970s. It will
attempt to show what can happen when the importance of making a method compatible
to the setting in which it is used, is underestimated.
On "Method"
Pennycook (1989) was not the first to question the "method"
concept (see Stem, 1985; Allwright, 1988), but he presented a powerful critique
from several angles. Most relevant for this discussion is his claim that
there is "little evidence that methods ever reflected classroom reality"
(p. 602). He warned of "a close relationship between academic thought
and textbook publication, but little between these and the knowledge produced
by teachers in their daily practice," (p. 609). Dubin and Olshtain
(1987, p. 31) similarly stated that "the teacher population is the
most significant factor in determining success of a new syllabus or materials,"
referring to the need for "a reliable picture of teachers who will
implement the programme."
There appears to be a scarcity of research demonstrating the effectiveness
of a communicative approach (see Sheen, 1993, p. 13). While "scientific"
proof is perhaps an inappropriate goal for research in teaching methodologies
and approaches Pennycook warned that "any study that claims teachers
are adhering to a certain method, without rigorous definition of that method
and classroom observation, is ultimately of little value." (op. cit.,
p. 606). One of the main problems of providing reliable evidence of teaching
methods is the difficulty of constructing such an operational definition.
There does appear, however, to be some coherence in descriptions of the
classroom roles expected of teachers and students within the communicative
approach.
Dubin and Olshtain (op. cit., p. 77) summed up the role of the "communicative
teacher" in the following terms: "The teacher is there to guide
learners, not to tell them. The teacher's role is recognised as a facilitating
one, with learners proceeding according to their own inner capacities, not
in a lock-step plan solely of the teacher's creation." Yalden (1987,
p. 57) portrayed the role of the teacher in a very similar way: "The
teacher is no longer director of the process. Nor are teachers the mere
instruments of the expert who provides a method to be implemented in the
classroom. They are monitor, counsellor, consultant, orchestrator and animateur."
If we are to assess the suitability of a communicative approach for a specific
context, it is important to know the extent to which a change of roles constitutes
a precondition of success. Brumfit (1979, p. 188) pointed out that a move
away from an accuracy based curriculum would "lead us to look more
carefully at the role of methodology, the relationship between teacher and
pupil." He underlined the need for freedom to interact outside the
narrow confines of lock-step teaching. "Not to allow the learner some
freedom to use the newly developed skills in unpredictable directions will
be to frustrate the very abilities which will be necessary for the most
effective response to the predicted needs" (p. 186). We might conclude
from these descriptions that a communicative approach is indeed inherently
linked to a need for devolved classroom roles.
The assumption that classroom roles can be rapidly dropped and new ones
adopted is implicitly built into the approach that was applied to the Gulf
context in the seventies and eighties. While such a perspective assumes
that classroom roles can be radically modified by training, the research
findings lead to an opposite conclusion. Furthermore, Dubin and Olshtain
(1986) claimed that program design needs to be rooted in social context,
and that course designers build in assumptions about social process into
their materials (p. 77). They also, concluded that "the perspective
of name-method is basically out of harmony with the intent of professional
program design which begins by assessing the total context in which interactional
plans are formulated"(p. 65).
The Crescent Course
A major reason for the adoption of a communicative approach in the Gulf
State of Qatar was the growing perception that local people needed to acquire
practical communication skills in English to deal with the ever increasing
interchange with the outside world that had accompanied the oil boom. Although
there was a real need for local people who could communicate in English,
this need was only expressed in the most general terms and no kind of needs
or means analysis was ever carried out by the Ministry of Education.
This coincided with growing disaffection among academics internationally
with the kind of audio-lingual approach said to be in use in much of the
Arab world. British and European applied-linguists such as Van Ek (1975),
Wilkins (1976), Allwright (1976), Johnson (1977), and Widdowson (1978),
were moving towards the "progressive" view that language should
be taught as communication, and that this required a different pedagogical
emphasis.
The communicative course used in the Gulf States since 1976, the Crescent
English Course, was said to be designed for the local context, but the functional
syllabus upon which it was based bore striking resemblances to the Council
of Europe's guidelines for European adult learners. (see Van Ek & Alexander,
1975)
Since the Crescent Course was largely written in Britain by a western
publisher, the Crescent project can be seen as an example of the attempted
transfer of a British approach into a very different "configuration
of social, cultural, economic, political and historical circumstances"(Pennycook,
1989, p. 595).
However, at no point in the early years of the innovation was it considered
that the approach itself might be wrong for the setting or that it would
be useful to provide course writers with a rigorous description of the current
roles of local teachers -- mostly expatriate Arabs -- and an assessment
of their readiness and ability to change their classroom roles.
The guidelines in the Crescent Course on the approach to controlling
classroom interaction, for instance, were unabiguously critical of "traditional"
teacher-fronted interaction, and indicate that the materials were written
with the intention of changing typical classroom roles.
The typical classroom with its fixed rows of desks, with the teacher
traditionally positioned at the front of the class confronting rows of
children, does not allow communication to take place easily. These materials
encourage alternatives to this arrangement. (Crescent Book 7, teacher's
book, p. 5)
While Arab teachers do not ever seem to have adopted the new approach
wholeheartedly even in the early years, by 1981 the suitability of the Course
in the Qatari context was beginning to be questioned by outside specialists.
In his report for the British Council, Early (1981) concluded that after
four years of using Crescent in Qatari schools there were dear signs that
it was ill adapted to its environment. He also pointed out that the course
itself was only one element of innovation and stated that,
there is bound to be a limit to the extent to which the substantive
characteristics of the general educational and cultural context can be
modified by the teacher training programmes and the public relations work
which go hand in hand with the introduction of new kinds of materials.
(Part 2, p. 1)
Nevertheless, although Early advocated a more "ecologically sensitive"
approach to innovation, it was never formally suggested that a detailed
description of local language teaching was needed, nor was any such description
carried out. Only anecdotal descriptive information concerning the roles
of teachers and the interaction between teachers and students is to be found,
and it is based on unstructured observation of classes. In spite of Early's
report, teachers' classroom behaviour was contrasted with the behaviours
that would be required to teach the new course effectively. The conclusion
was that more training was needed to change the attitudes and behaviour
of either reluctant or incompetent teachers. There is, however, no basis
in research for such a negative characterisation of teachers' behaviours
because no independent or neutral description was available to assess the
purposes and outcomes of pre-Crescent teacher-student interaction. Once
a new course was introduced, all aspects of previous behaviour of teachers
seem to have been rejected because that behaviour was incompatible with
the roles prescribed by the new approach.
Examining Method-in-Use
The author's research project was designed to provide a description of
the "method-in-use" of local teachers in the Crescent Course.
The aim was to describe the roles that teachers and students were actually
adopting before making suggestions for curriculum development. At the same
time the description would provide an assessment of the extent to which
classroom roles had actually become compatible with the roles outlined above
for "communicative" teaching.
It was decided that no reliable conclusions should be drawn from unstructured
observation of classes, particularly as an important aim was to describe
the actual approach teachers were using. However, recording, analysing,
and interpreting lessons to provide an adequate description of regular features
of language teachers' behaviour is a lengthy process.
Prior to starting the project, I had spent two and a half years teaching
Crescent myself and one year working in testing and teacher training with
local teachers. After piloting and extensive classroom observation, 11 lessons
were recorded and analysed in detail. To avoid prejudging the classroom
behaviour of local teachers, a pre-pedagogical model combining discourse
analysis and analysis of turn-taking was used. By pre-pedagogical, I simply
mean that no pedagogical categories were used in the initial analysis. The
aim of using this technique was to focus on the interaction between students
and teachers as it was regularly enacted in the classroom and to infer typical
roles from the analysis. Only then would the suitability of a pedagogical
approach be considered.
The data was first examined for its own intrinsic qualities and then
the roles adopted by teachers and students were compared to those normally
associated with the communicative approach. The detailed description provided
interesting results about what teachers were doing and not just in comparison
to communicative methodology. A few relevant features of the research findings
will be briefly summarized below.
Learner Discourse Initiation
Initiation of discourse by students is one stated aim of communicative
methodology. Rather than simply providing responses to teachers, students
are supposed to adopt roles through which they can structure interaction.
However, when the discourse was analysed, it was strikingly clear that students
hardly initiated any exchanges at all, even in so-called functional lessons.
Only about 1% of all exchange initiations were actually produced by students.
In addition, further qualitative analysis showed that most initiations that
were produced by students were not produced in the planned interaction but
in incidental interaction about lesson procedure. So, the tenor of the instructional
discourse was rarely affected by student initiation as the following brief
text sample illustrates (see Figure 1).
Figure 1
. |
T |
Right. I want you to get your classbooks, exercise books, your pupil's book
. . . pupil's book and exercise book because you are going to read page
61, and then answer he questions. |
. |
---> |
SS |
Exercise books? |
I |
. |
T |
Exercise book . . . yea . . . the classbook [starts writing questions on
board]. |
R |
---> |
SS |
Page, teacher. . .? |
I |
. |
T |
Page 61. The title is decision. |
R |
An analysis of the data in terms of turn-taking also indicated that there
was no opportunity for self selection by students in any lesson recorded
or observed. In fact, on average there was less than one student self-selection
per lesson. Furthermore, in the few lessons in which pairwork was carried
out, it was always under strict teacher control, normally with two students
standing to perform in front of the whole class.
The rather surprising conclusion of the research was that after 15 years
of using a communicative course, supported by a 10 year teacher training
project, the so-called communicative approach was not actually being enacted
in any way; so absolutely no conclusions could be drawn about communicative
teaching, per se.
This result did not mean that no identifiable approach was being used.
In general, teachers spent a lot of time in detailed reconstruction of text
with students, often, but not always, in a rather literal and repetitive
manner. This method is similar in some respects to what Marton (1988) called
a "reconstructive approach." One conclusion of the research project
was that it would be more useful to build on the actual approach being used
by the teachers, than to continue pushing an approach they were never likely
to adopt. In many ways, the introduction of an incompatible methodology
was counterproductive as it accompanied attempts to eradicate "non-communicative"
techniques that teachers were more comfortable with and more able to perform
effectively.
It would appear from an examination of the method-in-use of teachers
in one context that the roles of teachers and learners as described in theoretical
discussion were very different from the roles that were actually used in
the classroom. The lack of an adequate and unbiased initial evaluation of
those roles linked to the forceful prescription of new roles seems to have
been an important factor contributing to the "role gap."
Japan
Monbusho's 1992 guidelines may not appear to be particularly controversial
considering that the approach advocated was introduced in many countries
almost 20 years ago. However, the findings of the Gulf research project
correspond in some respects to informal assessments of the Japanese innovation
reported in recent articles. An issue that is often raised is the applicability
of an imported methodology. Miller (1995a, p. 45) stated that communicative
practices "run counter to Japanese educational tradition," concluding
that this "may be a fundamental reason why the new policy, which took
effect in April, 1994, has not led to a major shift in instructional practices."
Knight (1995, p. 21) also concluded that the new curriculum is "unlikely
to be implemented as conceived," pointing out that conditions do not
favour changes in current classroom practices.
The growing evidence worldwide of unsuccessful experiences of communicative
methodology applied to the wrong settings should perhaps lead to more serious
evaluation of what is achievable in particular settings. Only detailed and
adequate description of current practice can provide a solid basis for moving
forward.
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Article copyright
© 1996 by the author.
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