Job Hunting in Japan: Cross-cultural Issues1
Craig Sower & Wayne K. Johnson
JALT Job Information Centre |
In the first two parts of this series we discussed some of the
tools you will need to find a job in Japan. In part three we will focus
on cross-cultural issues and skills which may affect the performance and
maintenance of your job. Longtime residents of Japan may find much of this
redundant, but it has been our experience that the most intractable problems
which arise in this setting are cultural. Of all the information we have
presented in this series, this material is the least clear-cut and most
open to interpretation. This paper is not meant as the final word on Japan
or cross-cultural communication. Indeed, many fine books have been written
on these topics and we refer the reader to those listed in the endnotes.
Broadly, there are two kinds of difficulties which confront educators
in Japan. The first relates to the nature and purpose of the education system
itself. The second concerns differences which exist in cultural norms and
communication styles.
The Japanese Education System
The education system in Japan underwent major reforms after World War
II, when the old 6-5-3-3 system was changed to a 6-3-3-4 system (primary,
middle and high school plus college). Though in most ways thoroughly modern,
education remains greatly influenced by the Confucian ideals of a meritocracy
centered on all-knowing teachers leading obedient students. Most students
from grades K-12 wear school uniforms and are subject to stringent rules
of conduct both on and off-campus. In 1995, most schools shortened their
schedules by clos-ing two Saturdays per month. They then added extra class
periods to other days of the week to make up for the lost time. Vacations
are short and often followed by tests to check whether stu-dents complete
the homework which is assigned during these periods.
Relative to other industrialized countries, Japanese secondary school
students perform well on standardized tests of basic subjects like math,
geography and science. Drop-outs and juvenile delinquents comprise a relatively
small, if growing, proportion of the school-aged population. More than 95%
of junior high school students advance to high school, with over 13% and
30% of high school graduates advancing to junior college and university,
respectively. It is rare for a student to flunk out of any school for any
reason after being admitted.
The goal of secondary education is to pass the university entrance exams,
not to develop critical thinking skills. Competition to pass entrance examinations
for universities, junior and senior high, and even some primary schools,
is fierce. A huge industry of juku, or cram schools, supplements
regular school education with after-school lessons.
University life, in contrast, is viewed by students and schools alike
as time for a well-deserved break from the rigors of high school. Requirements
in the liberal arts are light compared to Western universities. Students
are encouraged to sample a wide variety of courses rather than delve too
deeply into any one area. While it is somewhat different for students of
math and the hard sciences, this period of life is seen by most as a time
for students to have fun and develop social skills.
Critics charge that Japanese education does not encourage questions or
creativity, but this seems to miss the point. The schools are part and parcel
of a society which emphasizes the virtues of harmony and Confucian ideals.
Blending into the crowd and avoiding being different is captured in the
Japanese saying, "The nail that stands out gets pounded down."
It would be surprising if the educational system failed to reflect these
values.
When confronted with differences of this nature, there is sometimes an
impulse on the part of non-Japanese to conclude that because the goals or
products of a Japanese institution are not the same as the goals or products
of a similar institution "back home," there must be something
wrong. However, the Japanese education system did not evolve into its present
state by accident. It is the way it is because it meets the needs of this
society. The same can be said for many other social institutions as well.
It is not unusual for foreign educators to experience severe culture shock
when dealing with these issues.
Honne/Tatemae
One cultural difference which can make communication difficult for teachers
new to Japan is the concept of honne/tatemae. Honne means
one's real or true intention; one's true motive. Tatemae means a
principle, a policy, a rule, a basis or a system. In daily usage they can
perhaps be translated as the individual's voice and the group's voice, or
as private versus public opinions. For those learning of this for the first
time, it is the ability of Japanese to have two different (often contradictory)
answers to a question.
When first meeting Japanese you will often hear the group's position
on a given issue. You may be amazed to hear so many different people with
apparently different backgrounds expressing the same opinion and you might
come to the (false) conclusion that all Japanese think the same. After getting
to know people better you will come to hear their inner feelings and may
feel you were lied to in the first place, a reaction which, while understandable,
is misplaced. Japanese communication style is just very conscious of what
other people and the group are thinking and will usually give outsiders
the party line first. Because Japanese do not readily share their true feelings
with strangers, they tend to distrust the sometimes effusive self-disclosure
of foreigners. They find it difficult to believe that people they hardly
know would show so little discretion when speaking of personal matters,
and tend to doubt their authenticity.
Our purpose is not to characterize any of these attitudes and behaviors
as right or wrong, but to increase awareness of how things often are so
that you can work more effectively in your school. For readers who are Japanese,
if you see a foreigner looking very confused the first time you tell them
your personal honne about something, it may be that they are remembering
the tatemae position they heard from you the first time you discussed
the issue. For those of you who are not Japanese, what you see and hear
may not be what you think it is -- yes means no, maybe means never, difficult
means impossible, and if asked if you want more tea in Kyoto, leave immediately.2
What is said is often meant only on a surface level. It is intended to
avoid making others feel uncomfortable and is not necessarily indicative
of the real situation. It is important to take this into consideration when
processing information in Japan generally, and at your school in particular.
If you really need to know someone's true feelings, the best bet is to use
at least one good cultural informant. By this we mean a Japanese person
who is fluent in cross-cultural communication and with whom you have a long-standing
relationship of trust and friendship. Simply relying on a next-door neighbor
or fellow teacher to explain what is happening may not suffice.
Wa: Harmony and Village Culture
Much is made of the need for harmony (wa) in Japan. The importance
of relationships within the group is easy for newcomers to underestimate.
You are likely to be judged more by how you fit into the group than by how
well you teach.
Japanese civilization began with the cultivation of rice and, despite
urbanization, the society remains to this day firmly rooted in the values
and mores of the agricultural village. Growing rice is very labor intensive.
It requires fields to be leveled and diked, slopes to be terraced, irrigation
systems to be built and maintained, the crop to be harvested and stored,
and seed to be preserved for the next planting. None of this can be done
alone. It takes cooperation in units larger than families, group consensus
on what is to be done when and how. It requires more or less permanent settlements
to justify the investment of time and effort in the fields. A strong sense
of group, and the maintenance of wa within it, took precedence over
almost all else.
This lives on in the willingness of modern Japanese to identify more
readily than Westerners with extra-familial groups like their company, neighborhood
associations, national organizations and even government bureaucracies.
Within groups there may be sub-groups, with sharply different interests
or agendas, which compete or even conflict openly with one another. But
to outside groups they usually come together and present a common front.
In your workplace you will often find group activities which might be
optional elsewhere, but here are considered mandatory. Attendance at school
banquets, meetings and even parties is often expected. In other cultures,
missing a meeting because you want to take advantage of a cheap airfare
out of the country may be acceptable. In Japan it is not.
Conflict Resolution and Change
The emphasis on wa can be seen in conflict resolution styles.
To avoid loss of face for either party, conflict resolution resembles an
elaborately choreographed dance. Rather than engage in open, direct confrontation,
Japanese prefer quiet, private negotiations in which areas of agreement
and prospects for long-term mutual benefit are stressed. Patience and a
sense of decorum are valued and losing your temper, especially in public,
is considered bad form. This is not to say that there is no conflict or
hard feelings in Japan - there are plenty. But they tend to be sublimated
much more so than in the West. There is a high premium placed on the preservation
of at least the appearance of harmony regardless of underlying tensions.
The need to maintain wa and engineer consensus (or at least acquiescence)
in the workplace requires careful planning and groundwork well in advance
of any action. As a conse-quence, decision-making is often slow and laborious.
The Japanese word for this is nemawashi, which refers to the process
used for transplanting a tree. First the roots are carefully dug up from
around the base of the tree and bound with straw and rope. Then the tree
is replaced in its hole for a year to see if it will survive. If it does,
it is then moved to its new spot.
The same care is given to almost any change in Japan. As many of you
already know, in settings like government offices or schools change is very
deliberate. Many in-formal meetings and discussions are held over what seems
to be a long period of time before any new course is embarked upon. Only
after every conceivable problem has been addressed can the project move
forward. In most cases, after the decision has been made, there will be
a formal faculty meeting to confirm publicly what has been agreed upon in
private. Meetings of this type are not for questions or further discussion.
They are like weddings held to bear witness to the fruits of a long and
successful courtship.
Pitfalls for teachers include confronting problems openly and failing
to engineer support for an idea before trying to effect changes. Educators
used to providing input and being listened to after a few months on the
job may be surprised by their lack of influence in many Japanese institutions.
If they then escalate their demands to be heard, they may find themselves
isolated. Our advice is to make haste slowly.
Sympathy, Fairness, Self-Control, Duty
It may seem that Japanese society and education do little to account
for the individual, since many of Japan's most venerable institutions seem
dedicated to keeping individual needs and desires in check in favor of the
group. While on one level this is true, it is somewhat simplistic and seems
to exempt Japan from standards one usually applies to other groups. We think
this skews one's perceptions of the Japanese, making them seem radically
different from other people in unflattering ways.
There is at least one other way to look at it. James Q. Wilson (1993)
suggests that while cultures differ in terms of their specific moral codes,
they are similar in that they all have standards of individual behavior
which are violated only at some peril. Societies, he says, organize themselves
philosophically and morally to deal with four aspects of individual behavior,
each of which impinges on the group's welfare. These are sympathy, fairness,
self-control and duty. Every society deals with each of these facets of
morality but does so in different ways. Part of what gives a culture its
dis-tinct flavor is the manner in which these four moral senses are blended
within that culture.
Some cultures, like the U.S., tend to stress sympathy and fairness. Other
cultures are oriented more towards self-control and duty. When the two groups
come into contact, misunderstandings can arise. Westerners, for instance,
may find Japanese indifferent to personal feelings or the suffering of others,
while Japanese may see others as selfishly undisciplined and irresponsible.
Neither reaction is entirely accurate nor does the other group justice.
Japanese sympathy and fairness towards the individual may find expression
in self-control and discharging one's duty to the group. At the same time,
Westerners may feel the group benefits most when individuals remain true
to themselves.
A look at "friendliness" may help illustrate differences in
attitudes and behavior between these two groups. Americans, for example,
are famous for their congeniality and easy-going informality with strangers
-- "That's a real pretty little temple you got there, call me Bob,
I've been married twice, how about you?" This kind of instant familiarity
puts many Japanese off, sounding presumptuous and shallow. By contrast,
Japanese tend to be more reticent with new acquaintances, and even close
personal friends may rarely share certain intimacies. Being warm and out-going
is valued more by Americans. Discretion is valued more by Japanese. This
does not mean that one group is inherently "better," more caring
or more humanistic than the other. It does mean they are predisposed to
see things and act differently.
Conclusion
It is important to acknowledge that Japanese society is structured along
different lines than other cultures and to act accordingly. Many foreigners
have deeply felt opinions on the fairness or unfairness of Japan in general
and Japanese education in particular. Regardless of which side you take,
it seems safe to say that getting along in this setting requires different
skills.
Reference
List and Recommended Reading
Benedict, R. (1952). The chrysanthemum
and the sword. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle.
Fallows, J. (1989). More like us. Boston: Houghton
Mifflin.
Hall, E. T., & Hall, M. R. (1987). Hidden differences:
Doing business with the Japanese. New York: Anchor/Doubleday.
Johnson, C. (1982). MITI and the Japanese miracle. Tokyo:
Charles E. Tuttle.
Matsumoto, M. (1988).The unspoken way. Tokyo: Kodansha
International.
Wadden, P. (Ed.). (1993). The guide to teaching at Japanese
colleges and universities. New York: Oxford University Press.
Ohmae, K. (1987). Beyond national borders. Tokyo:
Kodansha International.
Onishi, Y. (1993). Review of the book Juken Eigo.
The Language Teacher, 17 (8), 55.
Reischauer, E. O. (1977). The Japanese. Tokyo: Charles
E. Tuttle.
Sakaiya, T. (1993).What is Japan? Contradictions and
transformations. Tokyo: Kodansha International.
Wilson, J. Q. (1993). The moral sense. New York: The Free
Press.
van Wolferen, K. (1989).The enigma of Japanese power.
New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Notes
1 This article
has been adapted from Living in Japan, a forthcoming book by Craig
Sower and Mitsuko Tsuda to be published in 1997 by Pro Lingua Associates,
15 Elm St., Brattleboro, Vermont. USA. 05301. <http://www.bookworld.com/proling.htm>
2 Kyoto, the old Imperial capital located
in central Japan, is renowned for its refined manners and speech. A well-known
convention was that if a host offered a guest more tea it was a sign that
they should leave. Some say this convention still exists, but in different
form.
The authors would like to offer special thanks to Ken Dillon, Preston
Houser, Phil Lewitt, Harold Melville, Masaki Oda and Thomas Robb, who either
read the manuscript or provided much of the information presented here.
Any and all mistakes are ours alone.
Craig Sower and Wayne K. Johnson can be contacted at: 1675-1 Kasaoka,
Kasaoka-shi, Okayama-ken. 714. Fax: (w) 0865--69-2317. e-mail: <craig@oka.urban.or.jp>
Article
copyright © 1996 by the author.
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Last modified: December 13, 1996
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